In the realm of international disputes, few have been as low-key as the “whisky wars” that unfolded between Canada and Denmark over a span of four decades. Initiated in 1984, this peculiar disagreement revolved around a tiny, one-square-kilometre island situated in a frigid Arctic channel that marks the border between Greenland (now a self-governing part of Denmark) and the Canadian territory of Nunavut. Both nations believed the isle belonged to them. What might have escalated into a serious conflict for many nations turned into an exercise in diplomatic etiquette for these two northern counterparts. Canadian officials marked their claim by leaving whisky and flags on the island, while Danes demonstrated their ownership by taking the whisky and leaving schnapps in exchange. Instead of military action, polite letters were occasionally sent back and forth. Eventually, the dispute lost its fervor, leading to a working group that took years to agree on splitting the island in half, thereby putting an end to all conflicts in 2022.
With adversaries like these, who needs allies? As it turns out, both Europe and Canada might be seeking stronger alliances. The return of Donald Trump to the White House on January 20th raises concerns over potential tariffs and nationalistic rhetoric. Tensions are rising on both sides of the North Atlantic. Countries on the periphery of the European Union are reevaluating their affiliations. Switzerland has committed to a closer partnership, while Iceland is slated to hold a referendum in 2027 regarding membership. Greenland, which exited the EU in 1985 after obtaining autonomy from Denmark, may contemplate rejoining, especially given Mr. Trump’s ongoing preoccupation with it. However, Canada may have the most to worry about. Mr. Trump has provoked its leadership by insinuating that Canada might become America’s 51st state and has referred to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as “Governor Trudeau.” Officials in Ottawa and their EU counterparts have been exchanging insights on managing a potential resurgence of Mr. Trump. Charlemagne, who proudly identifies with both European and Canadian roots, has a straightforward remedy for the challenges confronting both regions: the EU should invite Canada to become its 28th member.
The (somewhat complex) rationale for a union between Canada and the EU predates Mr. Trump. Essentially, it posits that Canada is expansive and rich in natural resources yet has a relatively small population, whereas the EU is compact, crowded, and lacking in minerals. Certainly, EU regulations restrict membership to “European states.” However, Canadians, despite their enduring connection to a pioneering spirit, could be regarded as honorary Europeans. The nation has weathered three waves of colonization from the old continent, commencing with a brief Viking foray. Like their European counterparts, Canadians share a belief in the efficacy of markets, tempered by the necessity of welfare systems. Their governments provide similar safety nets: elevated taxes, convoluted parliamentary politics (Canada may soon have a new “governor,” given Mr. Trudeau’s declining popularity), and high living standards for the majority. Both regions engage in open trade, express concern about climate change, and oppose firearms, capital punishment, and hostility from Russia.
However, Europe stands to gain more from a partnership with Canada than merely tapping into Quebec’s coveted maple syrup supply. The idea of EU expansion could be reinforced by the potential of tripling the body’s landmass while only adding 40 million Canadians to a 440 million-strong population. This shift would alter the EU’s population density from a figure akin to that of China to one more reminiscent of the United States—assuming enough Greeks or Belgians are willing to brave the cold weather. Additionally, Europe faces an energy shortage, whereas Canada boasts abundant resources in oil, gas, and hydropower. A financially robust new member would enhance the EU’s fiscal stability.
France, which has historically been hesitant to expand the EU, would welcome the opportunity to include a new French-speaking member—though it might be content to only incorporate francophone Quebec, which is once again mumbling about seeking independence. The presence of King Charles III, Canada’s monarch, at EU meetings would delight those who still lament Brexit. Europeans could also benefit from learning from Canada’s immigration policies, which are designed to foster acceptance rather than mere tolerance, despite recent housing challenges that have strained this consensus. Furthermore, Canada’s evolving relationship with its Indigenous populations could serve as a model for Europe (though Indigenous Canadians may rightfully question a closer bond with former colonizers). Canada’s connections to the Pacific, bolstered by significant migration from Asia, would further enrich Europe’s regional strategy. The euro would gain an international flair if it were recognized in Vancouver.
Europe might have its own lessons to impart to Canada, which could leverage the advantages of EU membership to shift domestic perceptions. The antitrust framework in Brussels has effectively promoted healthy competition in key sectors such as banking, airlines, and telecommunications, leading to better pricing for Europeans than Canadians often receive. While Canada discusses the necessity of reducing carbon emissions, it has yet to make significant headway, whereas Europe has successfully lowered its emissions by over one-third from their highest levels. The EU member states have managed to establish a single market (flawed as it may be) that facilitates trade between them more efficiently than it often occurs for Canadian enterprises navigating the 13 provinces and territories of their own country. NATO members across Europe now allocate more than 2% of their GDP for defense, meeting the target established by the alliance in 2014, while Canada lingers at a mere 1.4%.
Maple syrup, meet Belgian waffle
Regrettably, Europe continues to maintain that the EU is reserved for Europeans. Canada would hesitate to enter a customs union that might jeopardize its vital trade links with the U.S. Such is life. If the idea of CanadEU remains a theoretical exercise in geopolitics, it does not exclude the prospect of a deepening relationship. Canada is already involved in various European initiatives, including military cooperation and space exploration. There is room for growth: Canada’s natural gas has been unable to reach EU markets due to insufficient LNG shipping infrastructure. The Canada-EU trade agreement, enacted in 2017, represents the EU’s most ambitious trade endeavor, yet it remains in “provisional” application; ten EU nations have yet to ratify its most significant provisions. In lieu of formally inviting Canada into the fold, European nations could initiate progress by finalizing that agreement.
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