As insurgents swept through Syria late last year, ultimately overthrowing the autocratic leader, Bashar al-Assad, some were joined by fighters from a foreign extremist group—one with aspirations that transcend the city of Damascus. These individuals hailed from the Chinese region of Xinjiang and were part of the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), an organization dedicated to establishing an Islamic state that includes Xinjiang and other regions of Central Asia.
The origins of the TIP are somewhat murky, featuring name changes, alleged connections to jihadist organizations, and claims of responsibility for attacks targeting China. Formed by Uyghur refugees from Xinjiang in Pakistan in 1997, the group forged ties to the Taliban and al-Qaeda over the following decade. China, along with several other nations, including Britain, has classified the TIP as a terrorist group. Beijing has leveraged the actions of the TIP to rationalize its oppressive measures against the Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.
China’s human rights violations in Xinjiang, including reports of arbitrary detention and forced labor, have driven tens of thousands of Uyghurs to flee the nation. In the 2010s, many sought refuge in Turkey, where they faced hardships. Across the volatile border in Syria, rebels controlling the Idlib region offered sanctuary to the Uyghurs. The exact number of those who made the journey remains unknown, though most were civilians. However, in 2017, Assad’s ambassador to China claimed that between 4,000 and 5,000 Uyghurs were actively fighting in Syria.
Some of these Uyghur fighters aligned with the Islamic State, but the majority affiliate with the TIP. When Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the leading rebel faction in Syria, captured Aleppo in a surprising offensive on November 29, it advanced into the city alongside TIP combatants. A week later, as Assad’s regime teetered on the brink of collapse, Abdul Haq al-Turkistani, the TIP’s commander, issued a statement proclaiming, “The Chinese disbelievers will soon experience the same suffering that the disbelievers in [Syria] have endured, if God wills.”
The Chinese government has consistently voiced concerns regarding the TIP’s presence in Syria. In 2016, it initiated monthly meetings with the Assad administration to exchange intelligence on the group’s activities, as reported by the AP. On December 31, a Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson urged all nations to “acknowledge the violent nature” of the TIP and to “take action against it.”
However, other nations may not have much to fear from this group. Like many jihadist factions, the TIP initially flew a black flag bearing the shahada, or Islamic declaration of faith, in white. Presently, it showcases a modified version of the flag of East Turkestan, synonymous with the Uyghur designation for Xinjiang. “The TIP is not genuinely interested in global jihad nor does it have grievances against the West,” states Sean Roberts from George Washington University. “Their primary objective is the independence of their homeland.” As the organization has shifted to appear less Islamist, it has reportedly garnered support within Xinjiang, according to Uyghur activists.
What level of threat does China truly face from the TIP? The group has claimed responsibility for various attacks within the country and has been blamed for many others, but it remains unclear how many of these incidents were genuinely orchestrated by them. Moreover, while three of its members were recently elevated to high-ranking positions in the Syrian army, it is unlikely that the TIP will be permitted to use Syria as a base for actions against other countries. The newly established government in Syria, seeking financial support, will likely aim to appease China. The TIP is expected to comply with any disarmament initiatives. Ahmad al-Sharaa, the leader of HTS, has made his position towards the Uyghurs known: “I sympathize with them, but their fight against China is not our struggle.”
© 2025, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published under licence. The original content can be found on www.economist.com
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